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JAMES BARBOUR 

W. S. LONG, A. B, 



EI "3^0 



i 



JAMES BARBOUR.* 

W. S. Long, A. B. 

The period from 1815 to 1845 has been well named one of 
nationality and democracy/ since the progress of these forces 
stands out pre-eminently as the great work of this time. The 
second war with Great Britain had kindled the whole country 
into a new flame of national patriotism.^ Transportation was 
revolutionized by the introduction of the steamboat and by the 
development of canals and turnpikes. The factory system, 

nourished by the restrictions of the Embargo and war, de- 
veloped rapidly. The expansion of cotton planting trans- 
formed the activities of the South, and turned them into the 
newer regions of the Gulf, and gave a new life to the decaying 
institution of negro slavery. A stream of immigrants began 
to pour into the new lands of the West, and there, among the 
rough and healthful conditions of pioneer life, democracy arose 
in a society in which strong manhood was the basis of equality. 
This restless spirit soon began to react upon the older states 
through those strong western leaders who looked upon govern- 
ment, not as an evil, but as an instrument for good, and with 
the rise of their influence, the day of nationalism began to 
dawn. But then the interests 6f sections clashed. The tariff 
enabled manufacturers of the North to grow rich, while the 
farmers of Virginia and the South were being impoverished. 
The tariff collected money from them which Congress now 
wished to spend for internal improvements. John Randolph 
of Roanoke, Spencer Roane, John Taylor of Caroline, and 
others began a determined fight against these loose construc- 
tion tendencies, and a great popular reaction followed their 
lead.' Then as the nation tended to sink back into the old ruts 
of particularism, the majority of the old Republican party held 
out for a still stricter interpretation of the Constitution and 
called themselves the National-Democratic party. But the still 

*The Bennett History Medal was awarded the writer of this essay. 

lAjshley, Federal State, p. 135. 

JBabcock, American Nationality, Chapters IX to XVIII. 

•Turner, Rise of the New West, p. 4. 



powerful minority broke away from this attitude and under 
the leadership of Clay, united to form the National-Republican 
party, afterwards called Whig.* It should be borne in mind, 
however, that the old Republican party had not always been 
consistent in their advocacy of state rights. The purchase of 
Louisiana, in 1801, under Jefferson, and the United States 
Bank, and the Tariff Acts of 1816 under Madison, made it, 
in fact, strongly nationalistic.^ At this time, however, new 
issues were appearing which were to draw a sharp line through 
the old party, showing some men committed definitely to a 
policy of nationalism, and turning some who had favored the 
policies of 1816 back to the extremer tenets of the old-time 
faith. There were many causes for this division into loose and 
strict constructionists. Sectionalism was a main cause; the 
injection of the personality of Andrew Jackson into the presi- 
dential contests of 1824 and 1828 was another cause; and the 
birth of organized politics under Martin Van Buren, Thomas 
Ritchie and others, played its own large share. 

This was the period which was to claim the best energies of 
James Barbour. His unselfish devotion of these energies car- 
ried him too far beyond his fellows in Virginia to permit any 
return upon the crest of this reaction, and when his maturer 
wisdom might have helped them most, his fellow citizens mis- 
took this stand for principle, for a desertion of their interests, 
and in return, deserted him. It is hard to reconcile the hot 
defender of the Virginia Resolutions of 1799 with the man 
who later in the Senate voted for the bank bill, the bill for 
internal improvements, and the tariff, and who, still later, en- 
dorsed the nationalistic policy of John Quincy Adams. But 
if any defense be necessary at all, we can surely point to the 
respective changes of Calhoun and Webster, and Barbour 
stands in good company indeed. 

He was born at Barboursville, in Orange County, June 10, 
1775,' only twenty miles from the home of Jefferson and one 
year before the pen of Jefferson recorded our Declaration of 

^Ashley, Federal State, p. 141. 

•■^Burgess, The Middle Period, p. 3. 

«Tfte National Cyclopedia of American Biography. Vol. V, p. 446. 



WAV «« Ith 



3 

Independence. Madison lived only a few miles away and at- 
tended the church of which Thomas Barbour, father of James, 
was vestryman.^ 

James Barbour's ancestry was very honorable. There are 
many legendary accounts of the founding of this family in 
Virginia, some of them conflicting, and many of them improb- 
able.'^^ What seems to be the most reliable account however, 
is the following extract from an autograph note in the Bible 
of Gov. James Barbour: "The farthest back I have been able 
to trace with any certainty, is my great-grandfather, James 
Barbour, who came to this country from Scotland, in the latter 
half of the 17th Century. He came in the character of a 
merchantman, and was wrecked on his first adventure. His 
friends, as stated by tradition, being rich, furnished him with 
another cargo which he turned to a profitable account, in (I 
believe) the county of King and Queen. He had issue, only 
one son, whom he called after himself, James, who married 
Sarah Todd, of a most respectable family. My grandfather's 
prospects in life were considerably shattered by the second 
marriage of his mother, by which a second son was born who 
by some means obtained control of the whole Barbour estate, 
and squandered it. James then left the home of his childhood, 
and went to Culpeper county, near the end of the first quarter 
of the 18th Century, being the first settler of the country 
lying between the eastern base of the Blue Kidge and the 
Southwest Mountains. Here he lived, died, and was buried."* 
He was a vestryman of St. Mark's Parish at its organization 

"fOld Churches, Ministers, and Families in Virginia, Vol. II, p. 90. 

TaNote. — All accounts agree that the founder of the Virginia family 
was Scotch. Some trace this ancestry back to a William Barbour, said 
to have been a younger son of the Baron, of Mulderg. Other accounts 
point to John Barbour, the Scottish poet, and author of "The Bruce'" 
(see Green, Notes on Culpeper, Part II, p. 135, and Peter, U. 8. Supreme 
Court Reports, Vol. XVI). The name is rendered Barber in the State 
Land Reports, and from a seal ring lately in their possession, the arms 
displayed are those of the family in Staffordshire, England: Gules 
three mullets, argent, with a bordure ermine. Crest: A passion cross 
on three steps; Gules. The motto: "Nihilo nisi Cruce," seems to indi- 
cate an origin in the days of the Crusaders. (See Hardesty, Virginia 
and Virginians, Vol. I, p. 114.) 

*Green, Notes on Culpeper, Part II, p. 135. 



in 1731.^ He appears as a grantee of lands in St. George's 
Parish, Spottsylvania county, June 26, 1731, and again in 
1733, in St. Mark's Parish of the same county.^" He was pre- 
siding justice of the Culpeper Court in 1764, and died in 1775 
in Culpeper county. His widow Sarah, a second wife, died in 
1781. Their wills are both recorded in Culpeper county, and 
show them both possessed of large estates. ^^ They left five 
sons and four daughters, of whom Thomas Barbour, father of 
Gov. James Barbour, was the second son. He married Mary 
Pendleton Thomas of Orange county. He was a member of 
the House of Burgesses from Orange county, and signed the 
Non-Importation Act of 1769. In 1775, he was a member of 
the "Committee of Public Safety" for Orange county.^^ After 
the formation of the Union he was a member of the Virginia 
Legislature. Then Richard Henry Lee, in a letter to his brother, 
Arthur Lee, wrote that he was glad that Thomas Barbour was 
in the state councils, "For he is a truly intelligent and patrio- 
tic man."^^ 

Such was the stock from which sprang this race of statesmen, 
and during the period from 1821 to 1825, a time when Clay, 
Webster, Rufus King, Nathaniel Macon, and Pinkney of Mary- 
land made our national legislature a wrestling place for giants, 
we find our James Barbour one of the acknowledged leaders 
of the Senate, while his brother, Philip Pendleton, and their 
second cousin, John S. Barbour, were prominent members of 
the lower House. ^* 

In James Barbour we have an example of that inherent 



»Note — This extract, in all its details, Is borne out by a number of 
other authentic accounts. (See Hardesty, Yirgi7iia and Virginians, Vol. 
I, p. 113; and Peter, U. S. Supreme Court Reports, Vol. XVL). 

loSralth, Oovernors oj Virginia, p. 321. 

J 1 Green, Tsotes on Culpeper, Part II, p. 136. 

1 -Smith, Oovernors of Virginia, p. 321. 

laGreen, Notes on Culpeper, Part II, p. 136. 

i4Note. — Prof, Turner says that, "In December of 1821, Barbour, of 
Virginia, was chosen speaker [of the House of Representatives] by a 
close vote." (See Turner's Fiise of the New West, p. 195.) This 
Barbour is indexed as "James Barbour" (Ibid., p. 354.) Here James 
Barbour has been confused with his brother Philip P. Barbour, who 
was chosen Speaker at that time. (See Abridgement of the Debates of 
Congress, Vol. VII, p. 216, and Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, 1st 
Session, Vol. I, p. 518.) 



genius which can rise to eminence without the regular educa- 
tion so necessary in our own time.^^ Very little is known about 
his boyhood and early education. However, James Waddell, 
commemorated as the "Blind Preacher" by William Wirt, 
taught school for a while at his home near Gordonsville, and 
James Barbour studied for a short time, under him there.^® 
While still very young, he served as Deputy Sheriff in his 
county, and during this time, he read enough law to gain his 
admission to the bar in 1794,^' when he was only nineteen 
years old! On October 29, 1792, he married Lucy Johnson, 
daughter of Benjamin Johnson of Orange county, a member 
of the House of Burgesses.^ ^'^ 

In 1796, young James Barbour was elected to the Virginia 
Assembly^ ^ and soon gained the respect of the older members, 
both for his excellent judgment and for the fluency with which 
he expressed his opinions. In 1798, the famous Virginia Reso- 
lutions, which Jefferson had inspired Madison to write, were 
proposed in the House of Delegates. The discussion continued 
over into the next session, and then James Barbour entered 

i5lt has been claimed that James Barbour was a junior at William 
and Mary College with Robt. B. Taylor and Cabell, and that John 
Randolph of Roanoke joined this Class when it was Senior. (See 
Branch Hi<storical Papers of Randolph-Macon College. Vol. Ill, No. 2, p. 
146.) However, it is certain that John Randolph of Roanoke left Wil- 
liam and Mary College in the spring of 1784. (See National Encyclo- 
poedia of American Biography.Yol. V, p. 97, and Garland. "John Ran- 
dolph of Roanoke, Vol. 1, p. 22.) This would haye made James Barbour 
a Junior at William and Mary College in 1783, when he was eight 
years old. 

A similar mistake may be noticed in the William and Mary College 
Quarterly, Vol. VII, p. 5, where we find, in a list of Governors of Vir- 
ginia from 1776 to 1861. with the places of their education: 

"James Barbour, 1812-14, Private Schools." 

On page 8 of this volume in a list of U. S. Senators from 1789 to 
1860 with the places of their education, we find: 

"James Barbour, 1815-1825, William and Mary College." 

It is very likely that James Barbour has also In this last case been 
confused with his brother P. P. Barbour, who did attend William and 
^NTs-FV CoIIgstg 

lescott, History of Orange County, p. 127; Smith, Governors of Vir- 
ginia, p. 321; Hardesty, Virginia and Virginians, Vol. I, p. 114. 

i7lbid.; The National Encyclopoedia of American Biography, Vol. V, 
p. 446; Smith, Governors of Virginia, p. 321. 

iTalbid., p. 325. 

isjoiirnal of the House of Delegates, Session of 1796-97, p. 1. 



6 

the lists in support of them with his usual impetuous elo- 
quence.^® Although he was the youngest man in the House, 
he was one of the foremost in denouncing the odious laws 
which had called forth the resolutions, and his speech was con- 
sidered the most effective that was delivered.-° On January 1, 
1801, he was appointed on a committee to confer with a com- 
mittee from the Senate on these resolutions.^^ In these de- 
bates, we find a beginning of that able advocacy of the rights 
of the States which he maintained until continued service in 
a larger sphere and an experience in the national adminis- 
tration brought a conviction that the whole is greater than its 
parts. From this time on, until his election as Governor, in 
1812, the name of James Barbour appears on all of the most 
important committees, frequently as chairman. He proposed 
the ^'Anti-Duelling Act/' one of the most stringent legislative 
acts ever passed."" In 1800, he was chairman of a committee'^ 
which prepared a bill "To simplify the mode of procedure in 
real actions."^* In May of 1807, he served on the grand jury 
which indicted Aaron Burr.-^ What he evidently considered 
his most important work in the Assembly was the bill which 
became the Act of February 2, 1810, and provided for the 
Literary Fund of Virginia.-^^ He later requested that re- 
ference to this be the only inscription on his tomb.^" He served 
repeatedly as Speaker of the House of Delegates, and received 
much praise for the able manner in which he presided over that 
body. 



i»Hardesty, Virffinia and Virginians, Vol. I, p. 115. 

'^^Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. XVIII. 

^iJournal of the Hon^e of Delegates, Session of 1800-01, Jan. 1, 1801. 

22Hardesty, Virginia and Virginians, Vol. I, p. 115. 

23Journal of the House of Delegates, Session of 1800-01, Deo. 2. 

2*Ibid. 

s'CThrlstian, Richmond, Her Past and Present, p. 77. 

25aNote. — See Report of the Second Auditor of Virginia on the Con- 
dition of the Public Debt, of the Literary Fund, and Retired Teachers 
Fund, fiscal year, ending September 30, 1912, p. 52; also (Virginia) 
Acts of the Assemhhr of 1809, p. 15; also Scott, History of Orange 
County, Virginia, p. 182. It has been strenuously denied that Governor 
Barbour was the originator of this Fund. But on the strength of this 
evidence, I have felt justified in stating that he was, as he himself 
claimed. (See Smith, Oovernors of Virginia, p. 325). 

2«Smith, Oovernors of Virginia, p. 325. 



On the night of December 26, 1811, an event occurred which 
threw Virginia into mourning and cast a gloom over all the 
country. The Richmond Theatre, in Richmond, caught fire 
and man}^ of Virginia's best people were burned. Among 
them were Gov. George William Smith and his family.-^ On 
Friday, January 3, 1812, the Legislature met and elected James 
Barbour, then Speaker of the House of Delegates, Governor 
of Virginia.^^ On the next day, Andrew Stevenson was elected 
to succeed him as Speaker.^^ 

On February 11th, Gov. Barbour sent a message to the Legis- 
lature asking for an appropriation for the defense of Virginia, 
in case of a war with Great Britain.^" On March 31st he 
wrote to the commandants of regiments that it was the duty 
of Virginia to be in a state of defense. He then called upon 
them to use every means in their power to be prepared in case 
of war.^^ In this way he earned his title of "The War Gov- 
ernor." It was a trying period upon men in authority, but 
Gov. Barbour never faltered, and was said even to have pledged 
his personal means to sustain the credit of his State.^- By 
July 4th, of this year, the feeling in Virginia against England 
ran so high that the customary celebrations were much more 
enthusiastic even than usual. The Governor reviewed the 
Richmond and Manchester troops, and at a dinner which fol- 
lowed, Capt. Heth proposed the Toast, "The Governor, our 
Commander-in-Chief, may his military genius equal his ardor 
in the cause." To which he replied, '"TTnanimitv in our coun- 
cils, and a hearty co-operation in the field will place America 
beyond her present conflict. "^^ The martial Governor was 
evidently not well pleased with the selfish attitude of New 
England in denouncing the War, Similar meetings were held 
all over the state and the zeal of the Governor was every- 
where the subject of sincere toasts. On the fifth of May, in 

27Chrlstian, Richmond, Her Past and Present, p. 80. 

^sThe Virginia Patriot, Vol. Ill, January, 1812. 

29lbld. 

soibid., February 11, 1812. 

Jilbld, March 31, 1812. 

«2Smith, Governors of Virginia, p. 324. 

nThe Virginia Patriot, Vol. Ill, July 4, 1812, 



8 

response to an order by President Madison, Gov. Barbour is- 
sued an order, calling for four divisions of militia, each to 
number 1,000 men. On November 30, he sent a massage to 
the Legislature, avowing his zeal for state rights, and de- 
fending his course. He then called attention to the fact that 
a larger sum of money should be left to the discretion of the 
Executive. He recommended that the upper James be ex- 
plored, and if possible, connected with the western waters. 
He recommended, also, that our roads be improved, and then 
that the Legislature of Virginia should establish a great 
Literary Institution, equal to the State.^* This course was 
approved December 2nd with a formal re-election as Governor. 

This last administration was as acceptable as the first, and 
on the first of December, 1814, he was elected by the Legis- 
lature to succeed Eichard Brent in the United States Senate.'^* 
On the eleventh day of January, 1815, James Barbour pro- 
duced his credentials, was qualified and took his seat in the 
Senate.^® On the 19th of January, we find him with Rufus 
King and Wm. B. Giles opposing the amendments to the bank 
charter bill. "Mr. Barbour, particularly, in an eloquent man- 
ner, enforced the necessity of acting decisively on a subject 
which had been so long pending between the two Houses, and 
which so greatly interested the feelings of the community, 
which 'turned its eyes with ceaseless anxiety upon the dila- 
tory proceedings of Congress.' " The amendments were lost 
by a vote of 21 to 13. The bill then was passed, and vetoed 
by President Madison.^^ It was then brought again before 
Congress, for passage over the President's veto, and Barbour 
voted nay.^^ But in a few days Barbour himself proposed 
(presumably at the instigation of Calhoun) a new bill to 
recharter the Bank of the United States. This bank was to be 
much larger than the old one. The capital was to be $50,000,- 
000, of which $20,000,000 were to be in treasury notes, and the 
government was to suscribe $10,000,000. It was to have the 



3iThe Virginia Patriot, Vol. Ill, November 30, 1812. 
s'-Smlth, Governors of Virginia, p. 324. 

'"''Annals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 16G (13th Con. 2nd Sess.) 
iT Abridgement of the Dehates of Congress, Vol. V, p. 304. 
'''Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, Vol. V, p. 305. 



9 

capacity of borrowing $30,000,000. Ilis bill passed.^" The next 
year, we find him voting for Calhoun's famous "Bonus Bill," 
which his brother, P. P. Barbour, opposed so strenuously in 
the House.*** These were his early departures from the old 
principle of states rights. Although he supported these 
measures, our champion of the Virginia Resolutions had not 
entirely forsaken his old-time faith. 

Just at this time, an incident occurred which may have had 
much to do with the future of James Barbour. He brought in 
a resolution directing President Monroe to present a sword to 
Col. R. M. Johnson of Kentucky, as a token of the thanks of 
Congress and of the nation for his gallant conduct in the battle 
of the Thames, October 13, 1813. In a splendid speech, he 
showed how the difficulties, which had caused the testimonial 
to be withheld, could be removed, and then he described the 
battle, and the manner in which Johnson killed Teeumseh, 
Avith such telling effect, that the resolution passed unani- 
mously.*^ It is worthy of note that from this time until the 
end of Barbour's service in the Senate, he and Johnson were 
the best of friends, and their names seldom appear on different 
sides of any question. When John Quincy Adams was elected 
President, Johnson, who had been one of his most consistent 
supporters, requested strongly that James Barbour be given 
a place in the Cabinet.*- In a few days after this, Barbour, 
as chairman of the committee on foreign relations, reported a 
bill closing the ports of the United States to British vessels 
engaged in the West India trade.*^ Following this very closely, 
he championed the cause of Matthew Lyons who had peti- 



s^Ahridgement of the Debates of Congress. Vol. V, p. 309. 

Note. — In the Presidential Campaign of 1840, when Barbour sup- 
ported General W. H. Harrison, he was condemned for his support 1 1 
this. "Balloon Bank." It may be interesting, however, to note that, 
even as late as December, 1819, Judge Spencer Roane, that prince of 
advocates for the rights of the states, wrote to Barbour, and advised 
him to "submit to the Bank of the United States, for the present, un- 
constitutional as it is." (See William and Mary College Quarterly 
Vol. X, p. 8). 

*<> Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, Vol. V, p. 665. 

4ilbld.. Vol. VI, p. 45. 

*2Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VI, p. 509. 

*sAbridgement of the Debates of Congress, Vol. VI, p. 47. 



10 

tioned Congress for a remission of the fines imposed upon 
him under the odious sedition act of the first Adams adminis- 
tration. Lyons, personally, was very unpopular, but his case 
involved the old question which had done so much at the polls 
for the Republican party in 1800. It very likely reminded 
Barbour of his youthful fight in the Virginia Assembly. So 
he made a brilliant speech, denying that the unpopularity of 
Lyons should be held as an objection to his case, and claim- 
ing that they merely had to pass upon the constitutional ques- 
tion involved; that "The law was unconstitutional, and Con- 
gress ought to say so, and repair the damages made under 
color of its authority."" In December of this year (1819), 
Barbour, as chairman of the committee to which it was referred, 
submitted a long statement of the case, coupled with a resolu- 
tion declaring that the law was unconstitutional, and asking 
for a committee to report a bill to that effect. The proposition 
failed by a few votes.'** 

Jam es Barbour was now rising rapidly to that leadership 
which his talents so well justified. It was an important time. 
Sectional jealousies between the North and South had never 
before been so keen. The admission of Alabama as a slave 
state swung the balance of representation in Congress to a 
dead center, with eleven slave states and eleven free.*" Then 
Missouri, a slave territory, applied for permission to form a 
constitution and state government. This threatened a turn in 
the balance, a turn which seemed to statesmen of the North 
more serious than ever before because they thought this their 
last chance to stop the progress of slavery. To them it seemed 
inevitable, that in the industrial scramble for the conquest of 
the West, the slaveowner with his slaves must surely triumph 
over the free laborers working as individuals. They seemed 
to see, in the future, the whole Louisiana Territory converted 
into an area of slave states.*^ On the other hand, the South 
had even larger cause for fear. Population in the North had 

**Ibid., p. 1R5 to 188. 

^^•Tbld., p. C60. 

•♦"Burgess, The Middle Period, p. 63. 

•< "Turner, Rise of the A'ei-o West, p. 155. 



11 

increased over that in the South, until in 1819, the eleven north- 
ern states could muster 105 votes in the House, against only 81 
for the eleven slave states of the South.*** This majority was 
spurred on to increased hostility to slavery by that tide of 
free labor which was pushing into the West, and demanding 
lands where freemen would not need to work in competition 
with slaves. But this hostility was held in check by the Senaro, 
where each state had only two votes. So that if the North 
were ever to abolish slavery it would be necessary to obtain 
control of the Senate. Thus, there the contest centered, and 
there the South for years, fought with a surpassing power and 
eloquence for what then seemed the very basis of her economic 
existence. Indeed, statesmen of the South were far superior 
in intellectual powers to those from the free states of the 
North.*^ It was recognized both in the North and South, that 
slavery itself was largely responsible for this superiority. 
Thus we find as one of the strange tricks which fate some- 
times plays, that the system which was driven by persecution 
to a desperate defense had itself provided the possibility for 
the development of defenders, whose eloquence and political 
genius harked back for comparison to the best that Greece 
and Rome had produced. Nowhere was this more evident 
than in Virginia. The "Virginia Dynasty" had not depended 
entirely upon the large number of electoral votes which Vir- 
ginia could deliver. Hers was a sheer intellectual domina- 
tion, supported by wealthy planters who lived upon their es- 
tates, and who, in the leisure which slavery afforded, reveled 
in well-stocked libraries, and studied the science of govern- 
ment until it became an instinct and a passion. In Virginia, 
plain little courthouses became the arenas of giant contests 
over simple points at law, and the halls of her Legislature 
rang unceasingly with resistless reasoning which flowed in a 
strange and fiery eloquence. Such was the environment of 
the men who were to fight for the South, and among them 
James Barbour was a giant indeed. 

48Turner, Rise of the New West, p. 154. 
*oMemoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. IV, p. 306. 



12 

At the close of the 15th Congress, the Senate had "Resolved, 
unanimously, That the thanks of the Senate be presented to 
the Honorable James Barbour, for the dignified and impartial 
manner in which he has discharged the important duties of 
President of the Senate since he was called to the Chair. ""^ 
At a dinner, during this session, his republicanism had offended 
the decorous John Quiney Adams, who confided to his Diary, 
that "He [James Barbour] was a man of affected pomposity 
of speech, full of prejudices and dogmatism, and of common- 
place exaggeration of Republicanism.""^ Nevertheless, on Jan- 
uary 16, of the next year (1820) we find this entry in Adams' 
Diary : ' ' With the single exception of Rufus King, of New 
York, there is not, in either House of Congress, a member from 
the free states able to cope, in powers of mind, with William 
Pinkney, or James Barbour."^- This change of opinion is 
significant, and carries with it high praise indeed. Barbour 
was now ready to take high ground. His ability was 
recognized, and an opportunity was waiting to give to it its 
fullest expression. 

When the 16th Congress convened, about the first business 
was the disposal of the Missouri question. In the meantime, 
expecting the admission of Missouri as a slave state, and deter- 
mined to preserve the old balance, Massachusetts had given 
to that part of her territory which is now Maine, permission 
to form a constitution and apply for admission to the Union, 
if that could be effected before March 4th, of the next year.'' 
Accordingly Maine drew up a constitution, and applied for 
admission without the preliminary form of asking the permis- 
sion of Congress.'* The North now had an opportunity to 



^<^Ahri(trjpmrnt of the Dcbatrs of Congress. Vol. VI, p. 199. 

i-^Memoirs of J. Q. Adams. Vol. IV, p. 226. 

Note. — Mr. Barbour had maintained that an American Ambassador 
at a foreign court should present himself in frock coat and metal but- 
tons, and If he were not well received, should retire in indignation, and 
carry on all further business by correspondence. However, Mr. Bar- 
bour Is not recorded as having done this when he actually became our 
ambassador to England. 

52^.>.id„ p. 506. 

BsTurner, Rise of the New Wett, p. 160-161. 

»«Burge88, The Middle Period, p. 77. 



13 

a:ain two new states with four anti-slave Senators, if Missouri 
could be admitted as a free state. Or if this were not pos- 
sible, they would deadlock Missouri, and get Maine in, thus 
gaining a majority of two votes. They had a majority in 
the House, and succeeded in passing Taylor's amendment to 
restrict slavery in Missouri. When the bill came to the Senate 
thus amended, the hopes for the South were small. Little 
objection could be raised to the admission of Maine, and if that 
state were admitted, her two Senators would decide the dead- 
lock in favor of the amendment to restrict slavery in Missouri. 
The only way to prevent this lay by way of a parliamentary 
trick, and accordingly, on the third of January, 1820, James 
Barbour rose at his seat, and served notice that he would on 
Wednesday, the 5th, offer a motion to couple the bill to admit 
Maine with the one to admit Missouri.^" The motion came in 
due time.^^ The next day, Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, ob- 
jected to this coupling of the two bills, and moved that the bill 
be recommitted with instructions to the committee to separate 
the two, and report Maine in a distinct bill as it came from 
the other house. 

Then a memorable debate followed. Mr. Barbour spoke at 
some length against the proposition to separate the bills; de- 
fended the right of Missouri to statehood, and admitted that 
Maine had an equal rig'ht; but denied that her haste in adopt- 
ing a constitution, without the consent of Congress, could give 
her any claim on the Senate, or that the forbearance of Mis- 
suori should be held to make her any the less worthy of state- 
hood than Maine. The proposition failed by a vote of 25 to 
18." Then the fight began in real earnest. Mellen and 
Roberts of Pennsylvania, King of New York, and the two sena- 
tors from Massachusetts supported the House amendment to 
restrict, and opposed the Senate proposition to couple the 
two bills. But at no time has southern talent shone more 
conspicuously. Nathaniel Macon began with a wonderfully 
telling argument, and he was ably supported by William 

ssBurgess, Tlie Middle Period, p. 81; Abridgement of the Debates of 
Congress, Vol. VI, p. 425. 

iT Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, Vol. VI, p. 386. 



14 

Pinkney, the new Senator from Maryland, with one of the 
most eloquent speeches which had ever been delivered before 
the Senate.^" Then James Barbour entered the fight and fully 
justified the high tribute which Adams had paid him. 

After a further statement of the points at issue, he showed 
that the South had always supported every proposition to 
suppress the slave trade. He said that the South did not 
wish now to multiply the number of slaves, but to spread them 
over a larger area; that the real question was, "Shall we 
violate the Constitution by imposing restrictions upon the peo- 
ple of Missouri while exercising the great privilege of form- 
ing their government; shall we violate the solemn obligations 
imposed by treaty? And shall we finally do an act of im- 
measurable injustice in excluding the people of one-half the 

republic from participating in that country, bought by a 
common treasure, and their exclusive councils?'^". And for 
what? Not to diminish slavery, but to confine it within its 
present limits. ... To seduce the white population from 
this portion of the country, thus interdicted. ... To drive 
us from the country, and surrender it exclusively to the 
blacks. . . . The Constitution has not authorized the exer- 
cise of such a power directly, and there is nothing in it to 
justify such an exercise by implication, if implication were 
allowable. ... If then it be true that your discretion, even 
as to admission is limited, and in the present case all the con- 
stituent qualifications exist on the part of Missouri for state- 
hood, you are bound to say that she shall be admitted as a state 
into this Union. If she be admitted as a state, all the attri- 
butes of the old states instantly devolve upon her, and the 
most prominent of these is the right to fashion her govern- 



"^Burgess, The Middle Period, p. 84. 

»»Noto. — L.ater in his spr^ech he explained that by "Their exclnaive 
councils" he meant that, a Southern envoy (Monroe) had bargained for 
the Louisiana Territory; that a Southern President (Jefferson) had 
approved the bargain; that a Senate, controlled by Boutherners had 
ratified the treaty; and that a house of representatiyes entirely con- 
trolled by southerners had appropriated the purchase money, all in the 
face of the violent partisan protests of senators and representatives 
from that same section which was then trying to monopolize thlB 
same territory with a partisan control. 



15 



ment according to the will and the pleasure of the good people 
of that state. Whereas your restriction deprives them of that 
privilege forever." Then after defending the moral issue in- 
volved, he exclaimed: "Sir, no portion of the Union has been 
more loyal than the South ! Is this your reward for our 
loyalty? Sir, there is a point where resistance becomes a 
virtue, and submission a crime. . . . Our people are as brave 
as they are loyal. They can endure anything but insult. 
But the moment you pass that Rubicon, they will redeem their 
much abused character, and throw back upon you your in- 
solence and your aggression. "*'*' 

It is not necessary to comment upon this speech. In it he 
had graphically stated the whole position of the South, and 
he had added a fire to southern arguments which Pinkney 
alone could intensify. His motion to couple the two bills had 
made it impossible for the North to secure the admission of 
Maine in time to have her two senators vote upon the admis- 
sion of Missouri. The sanction of Massachusetts for the state- 
hood of Maine held good only until March the fourth. Fur- 
ther delay would have been foolish for the North, and they 
saw that a compromise was inevitable, although the move- 
ment had gone too far for the House to recede entirely. The 
amendment to restrict failed by a vote of 27 to 16.^^ The 
motion to unite the two bills then passed by a vote of 23 to 
21.*^- Mr. Barbour then moved that the Senate insist on this 
first clause of its amendments, and it was carried."^ Then 
Messrs. Thomas, Barbour, and Pinkney were elected a com- 
mittee to confer with a committee from the House, which was 
led by Mr. Clay.«* 

During this time, excitement in Virginia reached an alarm- 
ing pitch. The motion to couple the two bills was practically 

«o Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, Vol. VI, p. 425. 

61 Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, Vol. VI, p. 425. '' 

e^lbid., p. 450. 

«^Ibid., pp. 452. 

64Note. — This conference agreed on the famous Missouri Compromise, 
by which slavery was to be permitted in Missouri, but excluded forever 
from the Louisiana territory north of 36° 30' north latitude. (See 
Burgess, The Middle Period, p. 87.) 



16 

the ouly way to prevent restriction in Missouri. But on the 
same day that Barbour served notice of his intention to offer 
this motion, he received a letter from President Monroe, 
strongly advising him against the plan, and recommending that 
they admit Maine at once, thus throwing the South helpless 
upon the charity of the North.**^ That Mr. Barbour did not 
follow this advice, has already been shown. On February 9th 
a caucus of the Virginia Assembly was held to nominate Presi- 
dential electors. Just as they came together, a report got 
out that Mr. Charles Yancey, a leading member, had just re- 
ceived an interesting letter from Senator Barbour, on the 
President's position. Yancey at last yielded to the cries about 
him, and read the letter to them. Immediately an intense ex- 
citement prevailed, and so indignant were they all with Mr. 
]\Ionroe that the caucus broke up without making any nomina- 
tion. •''® 

Then news came to Virginia that a compromise was im- 
pending, and Avhen the nature of this compromise was under- 
stood, the excitement increased beyond all bounds. On Feb- 
ruary 11th, Harry St. George Tucker wrote Barbour that the 
South thought that President Monroe was afraid of losing his 
re-election, and was thus trying to play to the North, but that 
the South was unwilling to purchase his services at such a 
price. ^^ On February 19th, Judge Spencer Roane wrote to the 
same effect."** On February 14th, ex-President Madison wrote 
to Barbour from Montpelier, and advised him under the con- 
ditions to yield to the compromise.**^ But following this close- 
ly came letters from Andrew Stevenson, Charles Yancey, 
Thomas Ritchie, Judge Roane, W. F. Gordon, Linn Banks, 
and others, all telling him of the tremendous opposition in 
Virginia to any compromise whatsoever; all complimenting 
the magnificent fight which he had made for the South, and 
all as.suring him of their unchanged affection and support.^" 

'^'Willinm. nyxrl ^fnrv College Quarterly, Vol. X. p. 9. 
""/bid., p. G to in. 

»TThe William and Mary College Quarterly, Vol. X, p 11. 
""/ftiVf.. p. 17. 
'^'^Ihifl., p. 12. 

7"NotP.— .-Ml of these letters can be found in the William and Mary 
Collegt- Quarterly. Vol. X. pp. .5 to 24. 



17 

Accordingly when the vote was taken on Thomas' compromise 
amendment, James Barbour, and James Pleasants, his col- 
league, voted against itJ^ On March 2nd, on motion of Mr. 
Barbour, it was decided to take up the bill again. Then Mr. 
Barbour moved to strike out the restrictive clause, and it was 
carried, when the bill passed.'^- On the next day, this same 
committee was re-elected managei-s of the Maine bill in con- 
ference with managers from the House, and their report was 
concurred in."^^ A very good idea of the intensity of this fight 
can be gained from the fact that James Barbour proposed to 
each Senator a convention of the states to dissolve the Union, 
and to agTee on terms of separation and the mode of disposing 
of the public debt, lands, etc."^* 

There were no other very important legislative fights during 
the remainder of Barbour's service in the Senate. However, 
one bill came up and called from him a speech which deserves 
mention. It was entitled "A Bill for abolishing imprison- 
ment for debt" and had been pending before the Senate for 
some time. On February 17th, 1824, James Barbour made 
one of the most eloquent of all his speeches in its support.'^ 

After the struggle over Missouri had ended in compromise, 
another began for the next presidential election. James Bar- 
bour took very little active part in the real campaign. But 
he was a warm champion of a caucus nomination, and told 
Col. R. M. Johnson that if no one would join him, then he, 
"I, by myself, I" would make a caucus nomination alone.'^' 
It is not known definitely, however, whom he would have sup- 
ported at this time, but he, at least, realized that no election 
could result in any popular vote on so many candidates, and 
wished to avoid throwing the election to the House." In 
January, James Barbour told Col. Johnson that if the election 

'iWilJiam and Mary College Quarterly, "Vol. X, p. 7. 

'"^ Abridgement of the Delates of Congress, Vol. VI, p. 154. 

"/bid., p. 454. 

''^Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. V, p. 13. 

''^Eloquence in the United States, Vol. IV, p. 216. 

i«Mem.oirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. V, p. 13. 

TTNote. — Eyen Thomas Ritchie favored a caucus nomination at this 
time, and for the same reason that Barbour did. (See Ambler, Section- 
alism in Virginia, p. 130, and The Richmond Enquirer, February 12, 
1824.) 



18 

should go to the House the vote would be at least two-thirds 
for Adams against Crawford, aud that he had thoughts of 
giving his adhesion to Adams. This Johnson advised him to 
do."'* It is well known that the caucus was held and resulted 
in the nomination of Crawford by a small minority of the 
Republicans in Congress.'" But after the nomination, Bar- 
bour's enthusiasm seems to have waned, and in April, Col. 
Johnson reported that, "Barbour seems ready to give up the 
cause.""" In May, Mr, Adams talked to Sufus King and 
James Barbour about his plan for a slave trade convention 
with England. King approved it, and Adams remarked, "But 
Barbour, a Caucus man, seemed very coolly disposed towards 
it."*^ Nevertheless, on the 24th of May, Col. Taylor reported 
to Adams, "That Gov. Barbour had this day made the best 
speech he had ever heard from him, in support of the Conven- 
tion, and had done entire justice to it.'"*- Now he seemed to 
be taking Col. Johnson's advice. In December of this year 
(1824) Mr. Adams called on Mr. Barbour, and after talking 
about various public matters, asked him confidentially about 
the coming election. Barbour told him that the entire Vir- 
ginia delegation would vote for Crawford, but that if his 
cause should be hopeless, they would in any case, vote for 
another than a mere military leader ( Jackson). ^^ A few days 
later, Barbour called on Mr. Adams and repeated that the 
Virginia delegation would vote, at first for Crawford, and 
then, if that were impracticable, their next choice would be 
for Adams.®* The main facts of this election are now common 
knowledge, how that in the House, under the leadership of 
Clay, the supporters of Crawford went over and voted for 
Adams who was elected on the first ballot.*^ On February 12th, 

T^Memoirs of J. Q. Adavis, Vol. VI, p. 235; Ambler, SectionaUsm in 
Yirfjinin, p. 127. 

T»Burges8. The Middle Period, p. 133. 
8«A/r»iotra of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VI, p. 284. 
lUbid., p. 323. 
*"Ihid., p. 348. 
»3/&id., p. 466. 
**Ibid., p. 475. 
"••'Burgess, The Middle Period, p. 142. 



19 

Col. R. M. Johnson had a long talk with Mr. Adams and 
strongly advised him to appoint Gov. Barbour to one of the 
Departments.**** On March 4th, the name of James Barbour 
was sent to the Senate for confirmation as Secretary of War.®'' 

Here we find the turning point in the career of James Bar- 
bour. Until this time he had been upheld by his statesman- 
ship and genius as one of the acknowledged leaders of his 
State. Now he had been received into the poitical family 
of a President against whom the political leaders of New 
York and Virginia were soon to unite in a deadly opposition. 
As a member of the new administration he must help frame 
its policies, and consequently, be held, in part, responsible for 
its every act. The "Era of Good Feeling" had already broken 
up into a seething foment of political scheming, and Jackson, 
defeated, was already preparing to inflict a dire revenge upon 
the men, who, as he said, ''had combined to cheat the people 
of their choice." In November, President Adams was pre- 
paring his first message to Congress, and read it to his Cabinet. 
Mr. Barbour objected to that part relating to internal improve- 
ments, and even Mr. Clay "thought there was much force in 
his remarks. "®® While they were discussing this message, a 
very striking contrast appeared between these two men. Mr. 
Clay was for recommending nothing, which, from its unpopu- 
larity, would be unlikely to succeed, while Mr. Barbour wished 
to recommend nothing that might be carried without recom- 
mendation.®^ 

Among the first duties of the new Secretary was the disposal 

of those Indian tribes, in Georgia and Florida, which had 

already begun to block the progress of civilization. This was 

a very difficult matter, and gave him a great deal of trouble. 

Cov. Troup, of Georgia, was continually quarrelling with the 

federal Indian agent, and at one time threatened to treat 

Barbour as a public enemy, should he insist on his order to 

block a survey which Troup had planned.^" But by a skillful 

s^Memoirs of J. Q. Adamt, Vol. VI, p. 509. 

^ilhid., p. 510. 

««/&{(?., Vol. VII, p. 59. 

897&id;., p. 61. 

9o/6id., p. 136; Turner, Rise of the New West, p. 312. 



20 

aud judicious management, Barbour was able to avert any real 
issue with the hot headed Governor. Thus it was left for his 
successor under Andrew Jackson, to stir up the trouble which 
caused "Old Hickory" to back down. Mr. Barbour, at first 
planned to incorporate the Indians within the States of the 
Union and to cease making treaties with them at all, and 
consider them altogether subject to our laws. Mr. Clay thought 
that the Indians could not be civilized and that they were 
destined to extinction. He said that he did not believe any of 
them would be left in fifty years. Mr. Barbour was shocked 
at these opinions." In January of 1826, Mr. Barbour finally 
agreed on a treaty with the Creeks in Georgia, by which 
treaty, the Chattahoochie was to be the boundary. The Presi- 
dent having agreed to it, it was signed.®- The next month, 
Barbour laid before the Cabinet, his letter to the Committee 
on Indian Affairs. His plan had changed from the one that he 
at first considered, into a plan for forming all of the tribes 
into a great territorial government, west of the Mississippi 
river. This letter provoked mucli hostile criticism from the 
Virginia press,"^ but Mr. Adams remarked in his Diary, "There 
are many excellent remarks in the paper, which is full of bene 
volence, and humanity."®* 

This same characteristic of Gov. Barbour appeared perhaps 
more strikingly in July of this year. On July 1st, he told 
President Adams about the damage which recent rains had 
done to the estate of Mr. Jefferson and proposed that on July 
the Fourth, after the usual ceremonies at the Capitol, he should 
address the audience, and invite an immediate subscription for 
the benefit of the grand old sage, and that he himself would 
give $100.00. Mr. Adams doubted the success of the plan. 
Nevertheless, on the Fourth, Barbour delivered his address, 
which, although only a few subscriptions were secured, Mr. 
Adams remarks, "was the overflowing of a generous, bene- 
volent, and patriotic heart, respectable even in its ineffici- 



• iMemoira of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VII, p. 89. 

n-'7htf/., p. ins. 

•'^Richmond Enquirer, February, 1826. 

•*Memoirs of J. Q. Adamt, Vol. VII, p. liJ. 



21 

ency."®'^ On the sixth of July, Mr. Barbour had the sad duty 
of reporting to Mr. Adams, that Jefferson had died at Monti- 
cello, on July the Fourth. All were profoundly touched by the 
strange and striking coincidence, and Barbour was especially 
affected, as he prepared his special order to the army, in de- 
ference, both to Jefferson and to the elder Adams.^® 

In December, 1826, Mr. Clay talked to President Adams 
about the ensuing presidential election. He said that his 
friends were talking about him (Clay) for vice-president, but 
that he did not care about this and would be willing to remain 
as Secretary of State if the friends of the administration 
would unite in supporting Gov. Barbour for the vice-presi- 
dency.^"* In November of the next year when the elections in 
New York were going unfavorably to the administration, 
Barbour called on Mr. Adams and asked his opinion about 
the vice-presidency. Adams preferred not to interfere, but 
said that his inclination was for him (Barbour). Mr. Barbour 
then said that Mr. Clay had proposed it to him; that he 
wished all personal considerations to be pushed out, and let 
the man be selected who could give the most strength to the 
cause. He did not think, however, that Mr. Clay could 
effect this.^' 

Only a few months were necessary to make this prospect 
unattractive. The combination of Van Buren and his hench- 
men in New York with Thomas Ritchie and others in Vir- 
ginia, into an organized figlit against the administration in 
favor of Jackson had been all too successful. It was hard now 
not to see that the people would soon have their "Choice." 
And Barbour's desire for the vice-presidential nomination de- 
creased accordingly. At one time the support of Gov. Barbour 
would have been a tower of strength to Adams in Virginia, 
at least. But now his identity with the administration was too 
well established for the enemies of this administration to leave 
his popularity intact. His nationalistic ideas had come up for 



s^Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VII, p. 118. 
»«/6«., p. 122. 

9^a.Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VII, pp. 216-17. 
•T/ftid., p. 352. 



22 

assault in the Jackson papers, and Jackson himself began to 
count as personal enemies all who did not support him. Little 
wonder that Barbour began to dread a campaign. But he 
was not inactive. One especially interesting incident was his 
call on Adams, March 21, 1828, to leave copies of Jackson's 
letter to L. W. Campbell, written in September, 1812. This 
letter and a note were in very abusive language, with a total 
disregard of or ignorance of spelling or grammar. It was pro- 
posed to publish them in some way so as to form a contrast 
to his printed speeches which had really been written by Harry 
Lee. This had already been done by a printed named Force, 
in Nashville, Tennessee. The plan now was to get a resolu- 
tion through the House calling for the publication of the cor- 
respondence relating to the Indian passports. Jackson's 
friends did not know of this letter, and it was hoped to get it 
published in this way. Adams approved the stratagem, but it 
later failed.^^ The "Old Hero" and his friends were "on the 
job." Perhaps these latter suspected something of this sort, 
or at least were afraid to run any risk. 

As early as January 23, 1828, Dr. Watkins, of Virginia, 
went to President Adams to urge the appointment of Gov. 
Barbour as Minister to England to succeed Albert Gallatin, 
saying that Mr. Clay had already talked to Barbour about 
this, and had induced him to expect it. Mr. Adams said that 
it would be very agreeable to him to gratify any wish of 
Gov. Barbour, but that he had almost promised this place 
to another, however he would wait until the close of that 
session of Congress to make an appointment.^® In March, Mr. 
Clay told Adams that Webster desired the mission to England 
before he passed the prime of life. But as Gov. Barbour, who 
was very anxious to go, would certainly not stay more than two 
or three years, Mr. Webster was willing to postpone his own 
claims until that time. Mr. Clay then mentioned Gen. Porter 
and Spencer as possible successors of Barbour as Secretary of 
War."" Mr. Adams then notes in his Diary, "Webster wants 

•'^Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VII, p. 482. 
*»IMd., p. 417. 
i"07&i(f._ p. 474, 



23 

it through ambition, Rush and Barbour, as a shelter from the 
political storm of which they are now afraid — I cannot blame 
them."^**^ In a few days, Barbour himself spoke to Adams 
about his desire for the appointment, and asked to have notice 
some time beforehand, in case of his appointment, in order to 
arrange his private affairs. This Adams promised. ^°- 

In May, Mr. Clay began again to urge the claims of Gov. 
Barbour, and Adams remarked again that both Barbour and 
Rush wanted to save themselves from the wreck. Then he 
adds, "And it is not inoperative upon Mr. Clay's recent pro- 
pensities to resign. As the rage of the tempest increases and 
the chances grow desperate, each one will take care of him- 
self. I know not that I could do better than gratify Gov. 
Barbour, who has rendered faithful service to his country 
and whose integrity and honor are unsullied. In my own 
political downfall, I am not necessarily bound to involve my 
friends. Mr. Clay thinks that the appointment of Governor 
Barbour would not have a bad political effect upon the admin- 
istration. In this he is mistaken. The effect will be violent, 
and probably decisive. But why should I require men to sacri- 
fice themselves for me?"^"^ Such was the spirit of John 
Quincy Adams, the grand old Puritan. In a few days Barbour 
talked again with Adams about the appointment, and insisted 
that Adams should not let his claims be an embarrassment to 
the administration. Adams told him that the difficulties had 

cleared away, and that there was only his desire to preserve 
the administration unbroken to the end. But that in a few 
days he would decide. ^"^ Accordingly he called a Cabinet 
meeting for May 17th to consider the subject. Barbour asked 
to be absent from this meeting and was excused. ^^'^ At this 
meeting Adams suggested that the appointment be postponed, 
but the Cabinet was all of the opinion, that it should be made 



101 Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, Vol. VII, p. 483. 

i02jbt(i., p. 485. 

losMemoirs of J. Q. Adama, Vol. VII, p. 525. 

io*7bi(f., p. 538. 

lo^Ihid., p. 544. 



24 



immediately, and that Gov. Barbour was the man for the place. 
Adams again mentioned the bad effect this might have on the 
ensuing election. Clay argued that this might not be the 



100 



case.' 

Adams knew more than his advisers. When the appoint- 
ment became known the enemies of his administration jumped 
at once to the conclusion which Adams had feared ; the hostile 
press charged at once that the administration had acknowl- 
edged its defeat ; that James Barbour had deserted the cause, 
and some declared that the choice of Barbour to succeed 
Gallatin was ridiculous.^"^ However, other papers rallied to 
the defense, and in the Richmond Whig this latter criticism 
was ably answered in a striking editorial : " It is the fashion 
in Virginia to depreciate James Barbour for the purpose of 
dispensing a larger share of praise to his brother, Philip P. 
Barbour, who has more successfully cultivated the regard of 
that political club,^°^ which has so long ruled things with a 
despotic sway. To deny that Gov. Barbour has fine talents, 
only proves the weakness of those who make the objection. 
On the score of talent, Gov. Barbour is amply equal to the 
occasion.'"**^ Subsequent events proved that this was true. 
On the 28th of May, the Senate ratified the nomination of 
James Barbour as Minister to England, by a vote of 27 to 12. 
It may be interesting to note that among the 12 who voted 
"no," were John Tyler and L. W. Tazewell, both of Vir- 
ginia.''** 

Gov. Barbour went at once to Loudon, and took up his new 
duties. He was introduced to the British Premier early in 
October^ and, under instructions from Secretary Clay, im- 
mediately began negotiations for a settlement of the old trouble 

J 08/61(1., p. 54C 

ioiRichmond Enquirer, May 26 and 27, 1828; 
(From New York EvcninQ Post, May, 1828). 

»oiThe Richmond Junto, of which Thomas Ritchie was one of the 
leaders. 

ioB77ie Constitutional Whia, May 24, 1828. 

iioCongressional Dehatcs, Vol. IV, Part II, p. 2773; 20th Con., 1st Ses.; 
The Constitutional M'hi(j, May 28. 1828. 

UlXilcs Register, Vol. 35, p. 121. 



25 

over slaves escaping into Canada. Mr. Gallatin had been in- 
structed to settle this, but Great Britain had refused to treat. 
When Mr. Barbour pressed the subject, the British minister at 
first claimed that an act of Parliament made a slave free when 
he escaped to British territory. Barbour pointed out that this 
was not an act of Parliament but rather the result of a judicial 
decision. Lord Aberdeen then said that Sir George Murray 
would bring it before Parliament, where he hoped the evil 
could be obviated.^ ^^ Early in the next year, Mr. Barbour was 
presented to the King and was received with marked courtesy 
and kindness of manner, while the reception of Mr. Gallatin, 
on the contrary, had been repulsive in the extreme.^ ^^ But 
merit under the new President (Jackson) did not necessarily 
ensure reward, and early in the summer Barbour was recalled, 
and Lewis McLane of Delaware, an ardent supporter of Jack- 
son, was appointed his successor. ^^* The old pilots had not 
dreamed of such a "storm," and now they realized that no 
harbour could be a safe shelter from it. 

It is gratifying, however, to note the favor which Gov. 
Barbour received while he was abroad. Most of the societies 
and learned institutions of London invited him to become a 
foreign member, and the English papers noted especially his 
presence at the annual festival of the Medico-Botanical So- 
ciety, which boasted among its members, the crowned heads, 
as well as the most distinguished persons of Europe. Of the 
toasts drank on that occasion, one was highly flattering to the 
foreign ministers present, and was enthusiastically received by 
the company. Barbour's colleagues, the representatives of 
other nations, with one accord, insisted on his returning thanks 
in their behalf. This he did in a very modest and eloquent 
speech.^ ^^ At a meeting of the British and Foreign School 
Society in London, Mr. Barbour was introduced by Mr, Wilber- 
force as his "Excellent Friend." He spoke a short while in 
response, and was followed by Lord John Kussell, who: "Felt 

ii27&td.. p. 289. 

iis76id., Vol. 36, March 28, 1829. 
ii*7btd.. p. 298-9. 

iisiViZe* Register, Vol. 36, p. 308. (The speech is printed here In 
full.) 



26 

the highest satisfaction" in Mr. Barbour, as the representative 
of a great nation. "It is very gratifying," said he, "to have 
at last, an American ambassador who can watch the progress 
of England with interest and pleasure, instead of the jealousy 
which former ministers have alwaj's held."^^^ On July 1st, 
the University of Oxford honored Mr. Barbour with the de- 
gree of LL. D. This degree was at the same time conferred on 
many noblemen, army officers, scientists, etc. It was a great 
occasion, large crowds having assembled to see the famous men 
who were to receive honorary degrees. After the presentation 
of these, there was a grand procession of dignitaries."^ 

Gov. Barbour and his family sailed from Liverpool in Octo 
ber,"^ and arrived in New York, November 1st, 1829."® 
He was immediately invited to attend the dinner which New 
York was to give, on November 6th, to Mr. Brown who had 
been recalled from France. But private reasons compelled 
him to decline, and he set out at once for Virginia.^^'' But the 
next week he was splendidly entertained at a great public 
dinner given by citizens of Richmond. ^^^ 

In May of the next year. Gov. Barbour announced himself 
as a candidate to represent Orange county in the next General 
Assembly. He made a powerful speech at Orange courthouse, 
reviewing his own political life, and vindicated his acceptance 
of a seat in Adams' Cabinet.^-- The election was very close 
and exciting. So intense was the opposition that, although 
Barbour's opponent was an illiterate and unknown man, there 
seemed to be little doubt that he would be elected over the 
man who had been Governor, Senator, Secretary and Ambas- 
sador. Even a number of the members of Barbour's own 
family are said to have refused to vote for him, because of 

his co nnection with Adams. '"-^ However, ex-President Madi- 

1 i«Ibid., p. 329^ 

iiTJMd., Vol. 37. p. 8. 

ii«/bid., October 17, 1829. 

u»76id., November 7, 1829. 

i2o/&td., November 14, 1829. 

121/bid., November 28, 1829. 

i22A'Jf"* Register. Vol. 38, p. 218. 

i22aFrom an account by W. W. Soott, Law Librarian of Virginia (a 
nephew of James Barbour). 



27 

son, old as he was, attended the election and voted for Gov. 
Barbour.^-t' At first it appeared that Mr. Davis, Barbour's 
opponent, had a majority of 14 votes. But the sheriff dis- 
covered a number of fraudulent votes for Davis, and de- 
clared Mr. Barbour elected. ^-^ The election was contested, 
however, and Mr. Barbour took his seat in the Assembly de- 
claring that he would retire if there should be any reasonable 
proof that his opponent had not been defeated. A committee 
was appointed to look into the matter, and it appeared to 
them that Barbour had not received a legal majority, although 
they were unable to show sufficient proof. Nevertheless, Mr. 
Barbour saw that the intense partisan hostility was deter- 
mined to defeat him, and on the 16th of February, 1831, he 
gave notice that he would retire, in order, as he said, "to re- 
lieve the committee of the expense and labour of going over 
the great mass of records, etc." He then bade farewell to the 
Assembly in a valedictory, which is one of the most beautiful 
of all his speeches. ^^* But he still had many friends in Orange 
county, and they arranged a public dinner for him at Orange 

Courthouse for March 10th. Mr. Madison was invited, but was 
too feeble to accept the invitation, else he "would have joined 

in the tribute to be offered to one whose private worth and 
social virtues are known to all." Judge P. P. Barbour hand- 
somely accepted the invitation extended him. Robert Taylor 
also accepted in an earnest and feeling manner. In those 
days political views were personal things, and it was no small 
tribute to the private worth of a public man to be entertained 
at a public dinner with his political opponents present to do 
him honor; and in his letter of acceptance. Gov. Barbour 
showed himself fully sensible of the compliment. ^'^ 
He now retired to his beautiful home, "Barboursville,"^^' 

i22bM?es Register, Vol. 39, p. 173. 

i237bjd., p. 173; The Fredericksburg Arena, November, 1830; The 
Fredericksburg Herald, November, 1830. 

t^*Niles Register, Vol. 39, p. 464. (This valedictory is reproduced 
here in full.) 
^2smies Register, March 26, 1831. 

i26Note. — A half-tone engraving and interesting description of thig 
line old mansion may be found in Scott, History of Orange County, 
p. 81 and 202. 



28 

and took very little active part in politics until early in the 
spring of 1839, when the presidential campaign began. He 
then entered heartily into the campaign, and with Benjamin 
W. Leigh of Richmond, was elected delegate-at-large from 
Virginia to the Whig Convention to be held at Harrisburg, 
Pennsylvania.^-" This convention met at the Lutheran Church 
in Harrisburg, on the fourth of December. The next day. Gov. 
James Barbour was elected president of tlie conventions-^ with 
John Tyler of Virginia as one of the vice-presidents. 

In this Convention, the New York politicians, led by Thur- 
low Weed, effected the slaughter of Henry Clay, and availa- 
bility had its first complete triumph in our national politics.^^* 
Men of every political creed had come together to seek a com- 
mon advantage, and to revenge past wrongs. Old enmities 
were forgotten among those who had assembled, and old friend- 
ships were forgotten, too. Even James Barbour forgot the 
many personal services which had cemented his friendship with 
Clay, and in his opening speech declared, that "he had not 
come there with any personal prejudices in his heart, nor had 
any of them come to whine after the fleshpots of Egypt, but 
to give perpetuity to republican institutions. To reach this 
end, it mattered not what letters of the Alphabet spelled the 
candidate's name, for his part, he could sing Hosannas to any 
Alphabetical combination, "s^" 

During the balloting for the presidential nominee, Harrison 
seemed to have a lead on Clay. Finally a letter from Clay 
was read. It gave the convention a free rein, but Clay de- 
clined to withdraw. Barbour then made a beautiful speech in 



i27j?ir7i?nond Whig, October 1, 1839. 

i2»Niles Register, Vol. VII, 5th Series, p. 249; Shepard, Martin Yan 
Bnren (Am. Statesmen Series), p. 378. 

Note. — The Gov. Bnrbour here referred to is listed in the Index of 
this book as "Philip P. Barbour" (see p. 470). Nevertheless, Gov. P. 
P. Barbour, who was a rank Democrat, Is clearly confused here with 
his brother, Gov. .lames Barbour, who was, undoubtedly. President of 
this Convention. (See Niles Register, VII, 5th Series, p. 249.) 

»29Shepard, Martin Tan Buren, p. 378. 

y»o}sHles Register, Vol. VII, 5th Series, p. 249. 



29 

compliment to Clay, but ended with a strong endorsement of 
General Harrison. ^^^ Harrison was nominated with John 
Tyler, of Virginia, for a running mate. It will be remembered 
that just eleven years before, Tyler had voted in the United 
States Senate against the confirmation of Barbour as Ambassa- 
dor to England. Now he had come over into Barbour's own par- 
ty, and Barbour atoned, in part, for his desertion of Clay, by 
proving that he had indeed, "not come with any personal preju- 
dices in his heart." Since he worked faithfully for Tyler's nom- 
ination, and then sang "Hosannas" throughout the campaign 
to this very unusual combination. It was a memorable cam- 
paign. The men who had lost the most by Jackson's slogan, "Let 
the people rule," now came back with an echo to that cry, and 
the successor of Jackson trembled as the echoes rang. Old as he 
was, Gov. Barbour plunged into the campaign with his old- 
time eloquence. At Staunton, he met Gov. William Smith in 
a debate and spoke for five hours. Gov. Smith himself later 
pronounced this speech "the ablest he had ever heard from 
the lips of any man."^^- Soon after this Barbour made a 
speech at a convention at Martinsburg, Virginia (now West 
Virginia), which the Richmond Whig noted as "The most mag- 
nificent burst of eloquence to which the times have given 
birth."^"^ These were the times, too, of Clay, Calhoun, and 
Webster! 

If we leave out any thought that Gov. Barbour may have 
been spurred on by memories of former personal wrongs, and 
think only of the great issues which were at stake, there is 
something sublime in this his last great fight. After ten years 
of retirement from his thirty years of eminent public service, 
he had come back before the people, not seeking for office, but 
to warn them against the "Little Magician" and his crew of 
politicians, and to help "give perpetuity to Republican in- 
stitutions." A contemporary remarks: "Gov. Barbour pre- 
sented an imposing appearance, with striking face, long, shaggy 
eyebrows, and head covered with silvery flowing locks; with 

is-iNiles Register, Vol. VII, 5th Series, p. 378. 
is^Bell, Memoirs of Oov. Wm. Smith, p. 14. 
li^Richmond Whig, September 21, 1840. 



30 

a majestic and sonorous voice, he filled one's conception of a 
Roman Senator in the last days of the Republic. "^^* 

At the close of this contest, broken in health by the strain, 
he went to Baltimore and Philadelphia to consult certain 
eminent surgeons and physicians, and it was found that he 
had been suffering for several years under the effects of a 
slow and insiduous disease which had gradually impaired his 
constitution. The surgeons could give him no hope for a per- 
manent cure, and he returned sadly to "Barboursville." In 
December of 1841, he started again for Baltimore, this time 
by way of Richmond where he was to attend the Agricul- 
tural Convention. But the trip to Richmond exhausted him, 
and after a few days of rest there, he returned again to "Bar- 
bourville." After a few weeks of rest, he seemed to recover 
again, and was able to take charge of his estate, but as sum- 
mer approached the old statesman weakened fast, and on the 
seventh of June, in the possession of his rhental faculties, and 
conscious of the approaching end, he died, surrounded by his 
family. ^^^ Now the hand of death had silenced his enemies, 

and the voices of his friends united into one full chord of 
praise. From among these many notes, the fittest one de- 
clared him: ''One of the noblest of the sons of Virginia, the 
virtues of whose private life and character outshone all of 
the splendor with which popular favor or political distinction 
could adorn his name."^^*' It is characteristic of the man that 
he desired only this simple inscription on his tomb : 

"Here lies James Barbour 

Originator of 

The Literary Fund 

of Virginia. "^^^ 

But he shares the fate so common to distinguished Vir- 
ginians, since even this small tribute has been denied him, 

i34Bell, Memoirs of Gov. Wm. Smith, p. 14. 

i^-'Rirhmond Whig, June 16, 1842. 

1 ^<^Ihid. 

ii'Smlth, Governors of yirginia, p. 325. 



31 

and he still lies in an unmarked grave. However the little 
town of Barboursville stands near where his home had been, 
and Barbour county in West Virginia, formed in 1842, also 
perpetuates his name and memory.^^^ Time has not yet healed 
the enmity which his desertion caused in Democratic Virginia, 

and the silent neglect of his contemporaries proves all too elo- 
quently how intense this enmity had been. It is not our task 
to defend James Barbour, but only to ask that his critics 
study closely all his actions before condemning any single 
motive of this man whose whole life supports no baser charge 
than that he stood for conviction in the face of political 
disaster, and refused to cringe for safety before the altar of a 
demagogue. 

i38Smith, Governors of Virginia, p. 325. 



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